Kosova: the road to nowhere
Arguably, the war that raged through Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina started in Kosova. Kosova was like a practice target for Slobodan Milosevic. It gave him a chance to exercise the same kind of virulent nationalism that he would later use in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina: the oppressed Serbian minority that needed protection from Belgrade, whatever the price may be.
Kosova is an area of 10,887 square kilometres in the south of what is now called Yugoslavia. 78% of its population is of Albanian origin, the remainder mainly Serbian and Montenegrin. The total population of Kosova is just over 2 million. Economically the area is in a disastrous situation. It is obvious that during all the years of the Milosevic regime not a single dinar has been invested in Kosova.
Albanian language education and health care was all but closed down by the Serbian authorities.
"Clandestine" in Kosova
In May this year I had the opportunity to visit Kosova, on a fact finding mission for Liberal International which had to decide on an application of the Liberal Party of Kosova. I flew to Macedonia and from there went by car into Yugoslavia, to Prishtina. I travelled together with Hans-Georg Fleck, the new representative of the FNSt in that area, and Emil Kirjas, deputy international officer of the Macedonian LDP. Rune Glasberg of the ELDR Party was supposed to accompany us, but he was refused his visa.
In Prishtina we were first met by the Liberal Party of Mr Gjergj Dedaj. We met with the whole national executive as well as representatives of the youth organisation. After this meeting, we visited one of the local branches just outside Prishtina. At a dinner hosted by the party, we had an opportunity to meet more of their members.
As stated earlier, the Liberal Party has applied for observer status in LI. The party participated in the LI Congress in Noordwijk and the Executive in Sitges as well as in several ELDR meetings. The party obviously has some degree of strength ³in the field². They have membership, local branches, they regularly publish a magazine, all signs of a functioning organisation. Their electoral strength is unclear. The party was founded after the last -illegal- elections in Kosova. When the next elections will take place is not yet clear. What is clear is that the Democratic League of Kosova (LDK), by far the biggest party, takes the Liberals very seriously as does President Rugova.
Financially, the party is largely dependent on money from exiles. This is the same for all parties, as there is obviously no state funding and the Albanians of Kosova are very poor.
Life in Kosova
After the meetings with the Liberal Party, we had the opportunity to visit the private school system in Pristhina. All Albanian language schools have been closed by the Serbs, and teachers lost their jobs. The schools now continue in garages, barracks, and (I wish I was joking) converted hen houses. The system is entirely funded by donations from private citizens in Kosova and abroad. Not surprisingly, circumstances are very primitive.
We also visited a private hospital, run by Medicins sans Frontieres. State provided health care is totally insufficient and well below the level of that of Serbia or Montenegro.
Next we had an opportunity to meet with the leadership of the Democratic League of Kosova. This is by far the largest party. They hold virtually all the seats in the parliament and the Presidency. The party has a wide range of political contacts and is not so interested in joining one political international for the moment.
Finally we met with Dr lbrahim Rugova, the President of Kosova. Dr Rugova is, as far as the Serbs are concerned, elected illegally. He is a very impressive man, determined to improve the situation of the Kosovars and determined to do so in a peaceful way.
In a press conference at the end of our visit I called upon Milosevic to respect human rights and freedoms in Kosova, including cultural rights. I specifically asked for implementation of an agreement to reopen schools and universities. This agreement was signed last year by Milosevic and Rugova, but the Serbs never implemented it. This is, by the way, also the background for the recent demonstrations by Albanian language students in Prishtina.
The Road to Nowhere
Kosova is on the road to nowhere. Milosevic and his Serbian nationalists can do whatever they want in Kosova. The international community is so much more occupied with the implementation of the Dayton accords that Kosova is generally considered a minor problem. The United states made a positive step when they opened an information office in Pristhina and it looks as if the European Union is going to take the same step.
Political parties in Kosova mostly see independence as the only way to protect the rights of the Albanian majority in Kosova. Some of the leadership of the Democratic League of Kosova -the largest party- even talk about creating a greater Albanian state incorporating Albania and Albanian minorities in Montenegro, Serbia and Macedonia.
Serbian politicians generally only talk about the oppressed Serbian minority in Kosova. This is also true for the so-called ³democratic opposition² in Serbia. People like Djindjic and Draskovic offer no hope for Kosova, and seem to propagate the same kind of nationalist policies that Milosevic is now executing.
Western politicians generally oppose independence for Kosova. they do so without offering any alternative and only the flimsiest support for the Albanian population in Kosova.
What remains is a population whose human rights are trampled on every day, without political rights and freedoms, without education and health care in a crumbling economy. On the road to nowhere.
Jan Weijers is programme officer of Liberal International and former executive director of IFLRY. This article reflects his personal opinions and observations. This article originally appeared in Libel, the magazine of the International Federation of Liberal and Radical Youth.
